People of 1989: Li Peng (李鹏)

Premier Li Peng was undoubtedly the No. 1 target during the entire 1989 Chinese student movement.

Li Peng was born in 1928. He was an offspring of an earlier Communist Party underground and martyr. He spent his earlier life working in the technical field of electrical engineering and did not reach prominence until 1980, when he was named as the minister for electrical industry.

The 1980s saw Li Peng steadily rise in the ranks of the top echelon of Chinese leadership, serving the posts of Vice Premier, Commissioner of Education, Politburo Member, Politburo Standing Committee Member. When Premier Zhao Ziyang succeeded the disgraced Hu Yaobang into the post of General Secretary, Li Peng became the Premier.

Li Peng continued to maintain a low public profile, dodged by unfounded rumors of his heritage and favoritism. While as Education Commissioner as well as Vice Premier, he instituted a series of policy that limited university students from going abroad. This certainly did not gain him any favors from the younger generation. Also in the 1980s, he was consistently portrayed as an enemy of reform for his willingness to reign in the economy from runaway inflation.

As the 1989 movement started, students took aim straight to Li Peng. Whether it was when they staged protests in front of Xinhuamen or an kneeling appeal at Hu Yaobang funeral, the loudest chant was always "Li Peng, Come Out!" But Li Peng made no attempt in publicly acknowledging or responding to the demands. He was content to let Zhao Ziyang and Deng Xiaoping handle the movement on the front line.

When the situation escalated and then deteriorated, Li Peng finally stepped up with a surprising meeting with the hunger striking student leaders.

But it was later when he announced the imposition of martial law that his image was forever burned into history.

He quickly became the public enemy No 1 among the protesters, who often chanted "We will Come Every Day, Until Li Peng Goes Away" (“李鹏不下台，我们天天来”）

After the massacre, Li Peng also earned the reputation of "Butcher of Beijing" in international media. He later delivered an official indictment on the now overthrown Zhao Ziyang. But perhaps somewhat unexpectedly, he did not succeed him as General Secretary but remained as Premier.

Li Peng later did reign in the economy with the help of an oppressive political atmosphere in the aftermath of 1989, which paved the way for a new round of reform and openness in the 1990s. He was also instrumental in the building of the Three Gorges Dam on the Yangtze River.

Li Peng stepped down from Premiership in 1998 and retired from public life in 2003. He spent his later years writing memoirs. He died on July 22, 2019 in Beijing. He was 90.


People of 1989

People of 1989: George H. W. Bush

George H. W. Bush became the 41st President of the United States on January 20, 1989. He had been the Vice President under President Ronald Reagan for eight years already. In his previous political endeavors, he had also served, among other positions, as the Ambassador to the United Nations and Chief of the Central Intelligence Agency. Thus, he was well regarded as a top expert in foreign affairs.

But he seemed to be most proud of his experience as the Chief of U. S. Liaison Office in Beijing during 1974-1975, the precursor of embassy in China. He and his wife enjoyed riding bicycles in the streets and hutongs of that city, gaining first-hand intimate feelings of that mysterious country before her opening to the rest of the world.

After his inauguration, Bush quickly planned a trip to Japan, China, and South Korea (using the funeral of Japanese Emperor Hirohito as an opportunity) as his first official working trip as President. This was the very first "pivot to China" attempt by the US government. On February 25, 1989, barely a month into his presidency, Bush arrived in Beijing.

On the second day of his triumphant return, however, there was trouble. Bush was to host a banquet at the Great Wall Hotel and he had invited many dignitaries in Beijing, including some famous dissidents. Professor Fang Lizhi and his wife Li Shuxian were invited but was blocked by authority from attending on the street outside of the hotel. The couple held a press briefing later that night at the Shangri-La Hotel instead. It was the first signal that government's tolerance of dissident activity was reaching its end. The Bush administration had only muted response to that incident.


The sudden eruption of student movement later that year caught Bush by surprise, when his attention was focused in the East Europe. The US government stayed in a low profile during the entire period.

After the massacre, while shocked, President Bush quickly decided that his first priority should be to "preserve the relationship" between America and China. Just as the US government was denouncing the brutality, Bush was already seeking private channels to convey his true intention to Beijing. On June 20, while the ripples of the massacre were still apparent, he wrote a secret letter to his "old friend" Deng Xiaoping, delivered through the Chinese ambassador Han Xu (韩叙). Deng Xiaoping quickly responded, and with it started a secret diplomacy between the two great nations. Shortly after, White House envoys, former President Richard Nixon, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, and others visited Beijing either in secret or officially, maintaining a viable communication channel.

At the same time, Bush was facing tremendous pressure from the American public and Congress to impose tough sanctions on China. The newly formed Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars in America launched a successful and sustained lobbying campaign, which was supported by most Congress members, led by the Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi. They managed to pass a series of legislation aimed to punish China and protect Chinese students in America.

Bush had to use almost all of his political capital to contain and limit the "damage." On November 21, he vetoed a sanction bill. On November 30, he vetoed an "emergency Chinese protection bill" but implemented its content with an executive order. On December 19, he was already lifting some sanctions previously imposed. Then on May 24, 1990, he extended China's "Most Favored Nation" (MFN) status. The MFN status for China would continue to be an annual political battle afterwards, but never seriously threatened again. (In 1992, Bill Clinton strongly attacked Bush on this issue, vowing to be tough to Beijing. But after his election, Clinton also continued to extend the status and eventually made it permanent.)

Bush also experienced difficulty in securing the release of Fang Lizhi, who had taken refuge in the US Embassy in Beijing after the massacre. He viewed the issue as a huge headache. After a year of negotiations, Fang Lizhi was finally allowed to leave China. When Fang Lizhi almost immediately criticized US government's "double standard" on human rights issues regarding China, Bush and his team were deeply offended.

During his four years in office, President Bush oversaw "a world transformed," with fundamental changes occurring in China, East Europe, and Soviet Union. He also won a complete military victory in the first Gulf War. However, his triumph in foreign affairs was no match to a domestic economical recession and was defeated for reelection.

Bush died on November 30, 2018. He was 94.


People of 1989

People of 1989: Xu Jiatun (许家屯)

Xu Jiatun was already 73 in 1989. He had been the head of the Xinhua Press Agency in Hong Kong, the de facto ambassador from mainland, for six years. He was an old and high-ranked Communist and had served as the Party head of the Jiangsu province. During his tenure in Hong Kong, he maintained a relatively open and liberal stance, establishing close personal relations with many of the local rich capitalists.

Throughout the 1989 movement, Xu Jiatun had a direct communication channel with Zhao Ziyang, feeding the latter with outside information collected from Hong Kong. According to Xu Jiatun's memoir, Zhao Ziyang called him right after his trip to North Korea, summoning him to Beijing to discuss the situation. Later, Zhao Ziyang delegated Xu Jiatun, through Yang Shangkun, to mediate and communicate with Deng Xiaoping. After Zhao Ziyang's ouster, Xu Jiatun passed a sympathetic message to Zhao Ziyang.

In the latter stage of the movement, with a tacit permission of Xu Jiatun, the left-leaning press in Hong Kong had adopted a stand supporting the movement. Some, including staff of his agency, had even participated in local demonstrations. After the massacre, Xu Jiatun signed off for Wenhui, a local newspaper under his control, to publish a protesting editorial. He was removed from his post shortly after and retired.

In late April, 1990, Xu Jiatun left China abruptly, fearing for further repercussions. He became the highest ranked official in exile. He lived in Los Angeles and published memoirs. Although he frequently expressed the desire to return to China in his later years, he never obtained a permission to do so.

Xu Jiatun died on June 29, 2016, at his home in Los Angles. He was 100.


People of 1989

This Day in 1989: June 24, 1989, Government Turmoil Ends with New Leadership

On June 24, 1989, the Chinese Communist Party completed its top-level leadership reshuffle at the conclusion of its 13th Congress, 4th plenary session.

Top officials sacked for sympathizing with the 1989 student movement include Zhao Ziyang, Hu Qili, Rui Xingwen, and Yan Mingfu.

Quite unexpected, however, the new General Secretary is Jiang Zemin, former Shanghai party head. Others who received promotion include Song Ping, Li Ruihuan, and Ding Guanggeng.

Those who stayed put in their positions include Deng Xiaoping, Qiao Shi, Wan Li, and Yao Yilin.


On the same day, Beijing Daily published a lengthy article labeling Liu Xiaobo as the "black hand" behind the movement.


Days of 1989

This Day in 1989: November 9, 1989, Deng Xiaoping Retires, Berlin Wall Collapses

On November 9, 1989, Deng Xiaoping announced that he was resigning from the post of Chairman of Central Military Committee. He would be officially "retired" as this was his last official post. Jiang Zemin succeeded him as the Chairman, with Yang Shangkun being the First Vice Chairman.

On the same day, the East German government finally gave in to the pressure of her own people and abandoned restrictions for their citizens to visit the west world, leading to the collapse of the Berlin Wall.

Days of 1989

This Day in 1989: November 8, 1989, Former Secretary of State Kissinger Visits China

On November 8, 1989, former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger arrived at Beijing. This is the second high-profile former government officer to visit China as a private citizen, right on the heels of that of Richard Nixon.

Kissinger met with a series of top Chinese officials including Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng.

Days of 1989

This Day in 1989: July 2, 1989, Deng Xiaoping Awards Ten "Republican Guard"

On July 2, 1989, Central Military Chairman Deng Xiaoping signed an order to award the honor of "Republican Guard" titles to ten martial law troop soldiers who had died "in the hands of hooligans and rioters" during the massacre.


Days of 1989

This Day in 1989: October 28, 1989, Former President Nixon Visits China

On October 28, 1989, Former President and "Old Friend of Chinese People" Richard Nixon arrived in Beijing. He came as a private citizen at the time that US-China government contacts had been suspended.

However, Nixon consulted with President Bush before his travel. Bush asked Nixon to fact-find as well as moderate many issues between the two countries, especially that Professor Fang Lizhi's taking refugee in US Embassy.

Nixon met with Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng, and other high-level officials during his stay in Beijing.


Days of 1989

This Day in 1989: July 27, 1989, Twelve "Republican Guard" Honored

On July 27, 1989, Deng Xiaoping signed separate military orders to award a total of 12 soldiers, including two posthumously, the honor of "Republican Guard," for their bravery and sacrifice "against hooligans and rioters" during the night of Tianannmen Massacre.


Days of 1989

People of 1989: Wan Li (万里)

Born in 1916, Wan Li joined the Communist revolution in 1930s. He rose to the level in central leadership during the ensuring civil war and the Communist taking power. During the Cultural Revolution of 1960s, however, Wan Li's political fortune went into a roller-coaster ride, along with that of Deng Xiaoping. He and was sacked twice. In 1977, he came back yet again and became the Party Chief in the inland Anhui province.

It was there when Wan Li gained his most fame by supporting a grassroots reform movement which implemented de-facto privatization of lands in the countryside. The official media soon linked him with the similar reforms by Zhao Ziyang in Sichuan province with a catchy but manufactured phrase "For Want of Rice, Seek Wan Li; For Want of Food, seek Ziyang. (要吃米，找万里；要吃粮，找紫阳)" The propaganda effort not only established the position of reformist pioneers for the two, but also created an impression that they were personally close.

But Wan Li was not necessarily as open minded as perceived. In 1986, when Professor Fang Lizhi was conducting his speaking tour in college campuses advocating democracy, then Vice Premier Wan Li was alarmed enough to follow Fang Lizhi around the country and collect the latter's "improper words." Wan Li eventually challenged Fang Lizhi in a conference for a debate. Fang Lizhi called his bluff and two engaged in an amusing dialog in front of hundreds of party cadres. Wan Li insisted that democracy in China must be provided by the Communist Party. Fang Lizhi countered with his claim that democracy could not be bestowed by any authority.

When the 1989 student protests broke out, Wan Li was already the Chairman of the National People's Congress. He voiced little, if any, of his own opinions. On May 10, he chaired a Congress committee meeting which decided to hold a formal Standing Committee meeting on June 20, whose agenda included discussing the ongoing demonstrations. Two days after that, he left the country for a pre-arranged 21-day state visit to North America. The students launched hunger strike the day after his departure.

After the martial law, NPC Standing Committee member Hu Jiwei hoped to use NPC, which theoretically holds the supreme power in China, as an arbitrator for the split government leadership. They collected signatures among Standing committee members calling for Wan Li's immediate return and emergency meetings to discuss the martial law. When the Capital Joint Conference debated on whether to withdraw from Tiananmen Square, the possibility of this early emergency meeting or the scheduled June 20 meeting became a key factor in timing.

Wan Li did return early on May 23 but he did not reach Beijing, to the dismay of many students who went to Beijing airport attempting to greet him. Instead, his plane landed in Shanghai and he stayed there. After four long days, Wan Li finally broke his silence and published a written statement supporting the martial law. He never appeared in public until after the massacre, when he accompanied Deng Xiaoping to review martial law troop officials on June 9.

After 1989, Wan Li continued to hold the post of NPC Chairman until he retired in 1993. He kept an extremely low profile and essentially disappeared from the public scene.

Wan Li died on July 15, 2015. He was 99.


People of 1989

Days of 1989: July 1, Bush's Special Envoys Visit Beijing in Secret

On July 1, 1989, National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft and Associate Secretary of State Larry Eagleburger arrived at Beijing. They held talks with Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng, Yang Shangkun, and other Chinese officials.

After the massacre, White House had immediately announced a suspension of high-level contacts between the two governments. However, President Bush was so worried about the Sino-US relationship that he penned a private letter to Deng Xiaoping. Soon after receive a positive response, he dispatched Scowcroft and Eagleburger as special envoys to maintain communication channels. Although Bush thought the mission was successful, he was nonetheless concerned that China did not provide any response of substance.

The July visit was kept in secret for a few months until in December of that year when a second visit to Beijing by Scowcroft was discovered by the media.


Days of 1989

Days of 1989: June 20, Shanghai Executes 3, Bush Pens Secret Letter to Deng Xiaoping

On June 20, 1989, Shanghai sentenced three people to death for participating in riots.

The White House announced its suspension of all high-level Sino-US official contacts. Yet on the same day, President Bush wrote a secret letter to Deng Xiaoping in order to preserve the relationship.


Days of 1989

Days of 1989: June 9, Deng Xiaoping Receives Martial Law Troops

On June 9, 1989, Deng Xiaoping finally appeared in public after the massacre by meeting with a large assemble of officers of martial law troops. He was accompanied by Yang Shangkun, Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Yao Yilin, Wan Li, etc. -- an early indication of who among the top leaders had gained the upper hand.

Deng Xiaoping delivered a lengthy speech to establish the official party line on the massacre.

Also on this day, the city of Shanghai mobilized a hundred thousand workers to clear obstacles in her streets. Normal order gradually returned to the city.


Days of 1989

Pictures of 1989: Beijing under Martial Law on June 9, 1989

Deng Xiaoping receives martial law troop officers.

Troops clean sidewalks in Beijing.

Troops arrest "rioters."

Tiananmen under martial law.

Pictures of 1989

Pictures of 1989: Hunger Strike Continues Amid Sino-Soviet Summit

Hunger Strike Headquarters holds a press conference.

Chai Ling speaks at the press conference.

Chai Ling faints.

Pu Zhiqiang is making a speech pleading for donation.

The scene at Tiananmen Square. (Sitting with a notebook is Philip Cunningham.)

The scene at Tiananmen Square. (Photo by Philip Cunningham)

The scene at Tiananmen Square.

The scene at Tiananmen Square.

The scene at Tiananmen Square.

The scene at Tiananmen Square. The sign says hunger strike has reached 51 hours.

The scene at Tiananmen Square.

The scene at Tiananmen Square.

A new hunger strike is launched at Xinhuamen.

Some students start water strike.

The scene at Tiananmen Square.

Yan Mingfu comes to speak to students directly.

Yan Mingfu offers himself as a hostage for students to end hunger strike.

Yan Mingfu at Tiananmen Square.

The Sino-Soviet Summit.

Deng Xiaoping meets Gorbachev.

Zhao Ziyang meets Gorbachev.

Pictures of 1989

This Day in 1989: February 25, President Bush Visits China

On February 25, 1989, American President George H. W. Bush, who had been in office for barely a month, arrived in Beijing for a working visit of China.

President Bush at Tiananmen Square, February, 1989

In the late 1970s, Bush had served as the official envoy to China, establishing the liaison office that eventually became the official embassy. He and his wife enjoyed riding bicycles on Beijing streets and acquired substantial knowledge of Chinese society. He also boosted personal relationship with Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping.

After becoming the President, Bush took the opportunity of the funeral of Japanese Emperor Hirohito to launch his first major diplomatic trip by visiting Japan, China, and Korea, before visiting any traditional western allies. (To soften possible controversy, he paid a same-day symbolic visit to neighboring Canada before the Asian trip.)

More than twenty years later, President Obama attempted his own version of "pivot to Asia."


Days of 1989

This Day in 1989: January 6, Fang Lizhi Wrote a Letter to Deng Xiaoping

On January 6, 1989, physicist Fang Lizhi, then working at the Beijing Astronomical Observatory, wrote a letter to Deng Xiaoping, calling for an amnesty for political prisoners.

With this letter, Fang Lizhi broke his silence of a couple of years after being expelled from the Chinese Communist Party and stripped all his previous positions at University of Science and Technology of China for his accused involvement in an earlier student movement.

He was inspired by the study of the recently discovered supernova SN 1987A. Called "guest stars" in ancient China, supernova was traditionally regarded as a signal to the emperors to announce a general amnesty as a gesture to the mighty heaven. He took the task as his own and wrote the above letter (see full test in English here). Instead of supernova, however, he used the more modern "year of anniversaries" as his pretense for the amnesty call.

Fang Lizhi sent the original by dropping it in a mailbox. He then showed a copy of it to a sympathetic official who had inside channels to Deng Xiaoping's office and another copy to a few foreign reporters in Beijing, who made it public. It was then known as Fang Lizhi's Open Letter to Deng Xiaoping.


Days of 1989

Book about Tiananmen: A World Transformed

President George H. W. Bush was only in office for four years but during that period (1989-1993) he saw what could be termed as the most dramatic change of world politics in our modern history. His memoir A World Transformed, co-authored with his National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft and published in 1998, candidly recorded the foreign policy operations of his administration.

With the fall of Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet empire, the wars in Panama and Gulf, it is perhaps understandable that the book only has a very small number of pages devoted to the effects and aftermath of the Tiananmen Massacre and the China affair in general. They are pretty much limited to Chapter 4: "Untying a Knot."

The chapter or book did include any thoughts or reactions of the authors while the 1989 student movement was in progress. Rather, it started right after the massacre, which caught the President by surprise. The chapter did contain valuable first-hand information on the thought process, strategy, as well as tactics the authors invoked, including excerpts of Bush's diaries at the time. It also provided a glimpse to the behind-the-scene, and sometimes secret, personal diplomacy spearheaded by Scowcroft. Both of them had been to China and met Deng Xiaoping personally before 1989 -- Bush as the first envoy to the People's Republic and Scowcroft as a participant of diplomatic missions by Presidents Nixon and Ford.

The title of the chapter is a phrase borrowed from a Chinese proverb meaning that a knot could only be untied by the one who originally tied it. Here, the knot is referring to the estranged state of the US-China relationship with Deng Xiaoping and Bush alternatively blaming the other as the one who tied it up.

The title accurately reflects President Bush's view on the situation. He never saw it as an opportunity to advocate liberty and human rights in China or condemning tyranny, but just a troublesome mess he had to untangle with his diplomatic skill. From the very beginning, he was fixated at preserving the fragile US-China relationship and determined to go out of his way to achieve it. He did condemn the Chinese government and impose limited sanctions. But he did it largely because he had to, not because he wanted to, as he repeated explained to his "old-friend" Deng Xiaoping in his then-secret personal communications.

The book also contains fleeting descriptions of the fights the Bush White House put up against the Congress and American public opinions in various China-related issues such as the scope of sanctions, the Most Favored Nation status, and the protection of Chinese students in the US. (The last one was largely a political turf fight with both sides making the same policy actions.)

Most foreign policy memoiors written by top government officials tend to be dry and largely unreadable. Bush and Scowcroft's A World Transformed is a refreshing exception. The book is written in a style that interlaces either author's first-person account of the events with a supplemental third-person story-telling to provide background and perspectives. As such, the entire book reads like a fascinating conversation recounting the past by a pair of old hands. Unfortunately, against the back drop of the emerging New World Order, Tiananmen and China did not receive a proper billing in their account.

Books about Tiananmen

Document of 1989: President Bush's Secret Letter to Deng Xiaoping

On June 20, 1989, after his attempt to call Deng Xiaoping directly failed, President Bush hand-crafted a  letter himself, initiating a secret top-level contact with China as his attempt to preserving the US-China relationship. Deng Xiaoping responded immediately to the letter.

This letter was later published in Bush's book All the Best (It was also published in A World Transformed, but with more omissions):


His Excellency Deng Xiaoping
People's Republic of China
Beijing

June 20, 1989


Dear Chairman Deng:

I write this letter with a heavy heart. I wish there were some way to discuss this matter in person, but regrettably that is not the case. First, I write in a spirit of genuine friendship, this letter coming as I'm sure you know from one who believes with a passion that good relations between the United States and China are in the fundamental interests of both countries. I have felt that way for many years. I feel more strongly that way today, in spite of the difficult circumstances.

Secondly, I write as one who has great respect for what you personally have done for the people of China and to help your great country move forward. There is enormous irony in the fact that you who yourself have suffered several reversals in your quest to bring reform and openness to China are now facing a situation fraught with so much anxiety.

I recall your telling me the last time we met that you were in essence phasing out of the day-to-day management of your great country. But I also recall your unforgettable words about the need for good relations with the West, your concerns about "encirclement" and those who had done great harm to China, and your committment to keeping China moving forward. By writing you I am not trying to bypass any individual leader of China. I am simply writing as a friend, a genuine "lao pengyou."

It is with this in mind that I write you asking for your help in preserving this relationship that we both think is very important. I have tried very hard not to inject myself into China's internal affairs. I have tried very hard not to appear to dictating in any way to China about how it should manage its internal crisis. I am respectful of the differences in our two societies and in our two systems.

I have great reverence for Chinese history, culture and tradition. You have given much to the development of world civilization. But I ask you as well to remember the principles on which my young country was founded. Those principles are democracy and freedom--freedom of speech, freedom of assemblage, freedom from arbitrary authority. It is reverence for those principles which inevitably affects the way American view and react to events in other countries. It is not a reaction of arrogance or of a desire to force others to our beliefs but of simple faith in the enduring value of those principles and their universal applicability.

And that leads directly to the fundamental problem. The early days of the student demonstration, and indeed, the early treatment of the students by the Chinese Army, captured the imagination of the entire world. The wonder of TV brought the details of the events in Tiananmen Square into the homes of peple not just in "Western" countries but world-wide. The early tolerance that was shown, the restraint and the generous handling of the demonstrations, won world-wide respect for China's leadership. Thoughtful people all over the world tried to understand and sympathize with the enormous problems being faced by those required to keep order; and, indeed, they saw with admiration the manifestation of policy which reflected the leaders' words: "The Army loves the people." The world cheered when Chinese leaders were seen patiently meeting with students, even though there were "sit ins" and even though disorder did interfere with normal functions.

I will leave what followed to the history books, but again, with their own eyes the people of the world saw the turmoil and the bloodshed with which the demonstrations were ended. Various countries reacted in various ways. Based on the principles I have described above, the actions that I took as President of the United States could not be avoided. As you know, the clamor for stronger action remains intense. I have resisted that clamor, making clear that I did not want to see destroyed this relationship that you and I have worked so hard to build. I explained to the American people that I did not want to unfairly burden the Chinese people through economic sanctions.

There is also the matter of Fang Lizhi. The minute I heard Fang was in our Embassay, I knew there would be a high-profile wedge driven between us. Fang was not encouraged to come to our Embassay, but under our widely-accepted interpretation of international law we could not refuse him admittance.

In today's climate I know this matter is of grave importance to you and I know it presents you with an enormous problem; a problem that adversely affects my determination and, hopefully, yours to get our relationship back on track.

We cannot now put Fang out of the Embassay without some assurance that he will not be in physical danger. Similar cases elsewhere in the world have been resolved over long periods of time or through the government quietly permitting departure through expulsion. I simply want to assure you that we want this difficult matter resolved in a way which is satisfactory to you and does not violate our commitment to our basic principles. When there are difficulties between friends, as now, we must find a way to talk them out.

Your able Ambassador here represents your country firmly and faithfully. I feel that Jim Lilley does the same for us; but if there is some special channel that you would favor, please let me know.

I have thought of asking you to receive a special emissary who could speak with total candor to you representing my heartfelt convictions on these matters. If you feel such an emissary could be helpful, please let me know and we will work cooperatively to see that his mission is kept in total confidence. I have insisted that all departments of the US government be guided in their statements and actions from my guidance in the White House. Sometimes in an open system such as ours it is impossible to control all leaks; but on this particular letter there are no copies, not one, outside of my own personal file....

I send you this letter with great respect and deep concern. We must not let this important relationship suffer further. Please help me keep it strong. Any statement that could be made from China that drew from earlier statements about peacefully resolving further disputes with protesters would be very well received here. Any clemency that could be shown the student demonstrators would be applauded worldwide. We must not let the aftermath of the tragic recent events undermine a vital relationship patiently built up over the past seventeen years. I would, of course, welcome a personal reply to this letter. This matter is too important to be left to our bureaucracies.

As I said above, I write with a heavy heart; but I also write with a frankness reserved for respected friends.

Sincerely,

George Bush


Document of 1989

Document of 1989: 33 Writers' Open Letter

On February 13, 1989, five weeks after Fang Lizhi's open letter, 33 prominent writers in Beijing co-signed an open letter to the National People's Congress and the Party Central in support of Fang Lizhi's suggestion of an amnesty. 


After the crackdown, a few individuals claimed that their signatures were either forged or obtained under false pretense.

After we learned the open letter by Mr. Fang Lizhi to Chairman Deng Xiaoping on January 6, 1989, we would like to express our deep interest in this issue.

We assert that, at the time of the 40th anniversary of our nation and the 70th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement, a general amnesty, especially the release of Wei Jingsheng and other political prisoners, will produce a harmonic atmosphere beneficial to the reform efforts. It is also in accordance to the general trend of respecting human rights in today's world.

Bei Dao, Shao Yanxiang, Niu Han, Lao Mu, Wu Zuguang, Li Tuo, Bing Xin, Zhang Jie, Zong Sui, Wu Zuxiang, Tang Yijie, Le Daiyun, Huang Ziping, Zhang Dainian, Chen Pingyuan, Yan Wenjing, Liu Dong, Feng Yidai, Xiao Qian, Su Xiaokang, Jin Guangtao, Li Zehou, Pang Pu, Zhu Wei, Wang Yan, Bao Zunxin, Tian Zhuangzhuang, Liu Qingfeng, Mang Ke, Gao Hao, Su Shaozhi, Wang Ruoshui, Chen Jun

February, 13, 1989

(For the Chinese names of the signatories, please view the original version here.)


Documents of 1989