People of 1989: Yuan Mu (袁木)

In the 1980s, the title of a government spokesperson was still a new curiosity. As such, Yuan Mu was a virtual unknown at the beginning of 1989 but he eventually came to personify the role of Spokesman for the State Council (国务院发言人) throughout the student movement that year.

After the mass demonstration of April 27, 1989, the government adopted a limited conciliatory approach toward dialog with students. It was Yuan Mu who hosted the first such session on April 29, which was broadcast live. Yuan Mu promised more dialogues in the future but emphasized that government would never talk to "illegal student organizations." Students, however, quickly questioned the representativeness of the invited attendees and some even walked out in protest of Yuan Mu's condescending tone.

Yuan Mu (front center) meets with students on April 29, 1989.

On May 3, the eve of a planed student demonstration, Yuan Mu held a press conference to reject Beijing Students Autonomous Federation's demands.

Yuan Mu (far right) at press conference on May 3, 1989.

Later in May, Yuan Mu seemed to be sidelined somewhat as other government officials, such as Zhao Ziyang, Hu Qili, and Yan Mingfu, took more significant roles in various dialogues. Along with Li Peng, Yuan Mu had become one of most hated target of the movement by then.

After the massacre, Yuan Mu re-emerged and continued his role of the chief government spokesman. He held a press conference on June 6 to "reveal the truth of a counter-revolutionary rebellion" and announced the first government statistics on casualties.

But it was ten days later, when he was interviewed by Tom Brokaw of NBC News that he gained worldwide infamy. Yuan Mu repeated the government line that no death had occurred during the clearance of Tiananmen Square. Since the "clearance period" was left undefined, his assertion was summarily condemned. He also became the personification of Chinese government's lies. (In his memoir China Hands, The US Ambassador James Lilley recalled an incident that, when Yuan Mu's daughter came to the consulate to apply for a student visa to US, she was openly ridiculed.)

Yuan Mu graduated faded out of public view after 1989 and retired in 2000. He died on December 13, 2018 in Beijing. He was 90.


People of 1989

Days of 1989: June 16, Yang Tao Arrested, Yuan Mu Spoke to American TV Audiance

On June 16, 1989, student leader Yang Tao was arrested in the remote Gansu province.

The government spokesman Yuan Mu was interviewed by NBC host Tom Brokaw. Yuan Mu stated that there was no death during the final clearance of Tiananmen Square. But he also explained that there were casualties during the entire event. During the interview, he emphasized that modern technology had enabled people make false video evidences, implicitly attacking western media.

A segment of Yuan Mu's interview can still be seen in this snippet of Taiwan TV news.


Days of 1989

Days of 1989: June 6, Riots in Shanghai, Yuan Mu Announces Casualty Numbers

On June 6, 1989, the martial law troops are gaining full control of Beijing. But riots break out in many other cities. Traffic are completely blocked in Shanghai, and a sit-in on railway tracks turns violent there with an empty train burned up.

Oversea media are propagating unfounded rumors that "Deng Xiaoping is dead, Li Peng is injured, and Yang Shangkun is on the run." Many western countries have launched efforts to evacuate their citizens from China.

The government of Japan halts exchange programs with China but stops short of economic sanctions. The British government announces that the schedule of returning Hong Kong to China by 1997 will not change. The Soviet government is the only one expressing sympathy and support to Chinese government. They denounce diplomatic pressures from western countries.


In the afternoon, Yuan Mu chairs a press conference on which he announces the first version of the official death toll: more than 300 people died, including 23 university students. Zhang Gong, an officer from the martial law troops emphasizes that

Between 4:30 and 5:30 in the morning of June 4, when the martial law troops cleared Tiananmen Square, they absolutely have not killed a single student or civilian. Military vehicles did not crush any person.

This statement is later mis-interpreted in the western press as the government announcing no one ever died during the massacre.


Days of 1989

Pictures of 1989: Yuan Mu Press Conference and Students Prepare for March on May 3, 1989

Yuan Mu (far right), He Dongchang (right but one) at press conference on students petition on May 3, 1989.

Students preparing posters on protest on May 3, 1989.

A poster on campus on May 3, 1989.

Pictures of 1989

Pictures of 1989: Yuan Mu Meets Students on April 29, 1989

Yuan Mu and other leaders meet student representatives.

Xiang Xiaoji talks to reporters after existing the dialog in protest.

One of the big posters in Peking University on April 29, 1989.

Pictures of 1989

This Day in 1989: May 3, Government Rejects Students Petition, Students React

In the morning of May 3, 1989, State Council Spokesman Yuan Mu publicly rejected the dialogue ultimatum by the Beijing Students Autonomous Federation at a press conference. He said the government would neither be threatened nor recognize the "illegal" student organizations.

As a response, Beijing Students Autonomous Federation announced their plan for a demonstration next day, seventieth anniversary of the May Fourth Movement. The class strike on college campuses that started after Hu Yaobang's funeral on April 22 is showing signs of weakening. Some small colleges had already resumed classes. At other schools, student marshals were sometimes needed to picket against students who wanted to go to classes. But in the rush of planning for the demonstration, Beijing Students Autonomous Federation officials debated but failed to make a formal resolution on this issue.

In the meantime, a new Dialogue Delegation was formally established that evening to seek and prepare for a formal dialogue with the government. Delegates came from various colleges including Shen Tong and Xiong Yan from Peking University. Most other delegates, however, were graduate students who appeared to be older and mature. They elected Xiang Xiaoji and Shen Tong as the co-organizers. Shen Tong advocated for this organization to keep a healthy distance from the Beijing Students Autonomous Federation and the ongoing movement so that they would be more acceptable to the government.

Also in that afternoon, General Secretary Zhao Ziyang made his first public speech since the movement at the occasion of the official commemoration meeting of the May Fourth Movement. He stroke a conciliatory tone toward the ongoing situation.

In the evening, dozens of young reporters from the official media decided to hold their own rally the next day to demand press freedom.


Days of 1989

This Day in 1989: April 29, First Dialog between Leaders and Students

One of the biggest demands by students in their demonstration was to have an equal dialogue with the government. Indeed, dialogue with the masses was a pronounced policy by the government advocated by General Secretary Zhao Ziyang during a Party Congress a year and half earlier. on April 27, as the biggest demonstration was going on, students had heard the announcement that government welcomed opportunities to dialogue with them.

On April 29, 1989, a dialogue did take place, hosted by the State Council Spokesman Yuan Mu. However, it felt more of a press conference than a dialogue as Yuan Mu controlled the scene by dishing out partly-line answers. Students were not allowed to follow up. Most of the attendees were hand-selected delegates from official student union leaders anyway, they were not ready to provide much of a real challenge. Wuer Kaixi had received an invitation but refused to enter when his request as a representative of the Beijing Students Autonomous Federation was denied. A couple of emerging leaders of the independent movement did attend.

But the one who got the most attention was a graduate student by the name of Xiang Xiaoji from University of Political Science and Law. Xiang Xiaoji raised sharp questions and protested the format of the dialogue. With a live broadcast, his performance impressed many students.

Also on this day, a lonely student leader from Nanking University showed up at Peking University. Li Lu had arrived at Beijing a couple of days ago and was working his way into the leadership circle. With much difficulty, he finally hooked up with Chai Ling, then in charge of the secretarial work of the Preparatory Committee at Peking University. The two became trusted friends immediately.


Days of 1989

NYT Archive 1989: Government's Death Toll Estimation

Three days after the massacre, Beijing was still like a war-time city. On June 7, 1989, New York Times changed their overall theme of China coverage to "Turmoil in China". In the lead story, the government spokesperson Yuan Mu was quoted commenting the government's estimate on the death toll:

Mr. Yuan, whose appearance suggested that Mr. Li is still in power, also estimated today that 300 people had been killed and 6,000 wounded in the military crackdown in the capital. Most independent estimates are higher, ranging from several hundred to 1,500 or more, and the accepted wisdom among many Chinese is that tens of thousands of civilians were shot or beaten to death since troops attacked Tiananmen Square, in the heart of Beijing, early Sunday morning.

The official estimates were also regarded as suspect because Mr. Yuan said that most of the injuries were suffered by troops, rather than by the civilians whom the soldiers raked with submachine-gun fire.

Yuan Mu's 300 also included both soldiers and civilians. "He said that only 23 students were known to have died." Artillery and gun shots could still be heard in the city, disrupting attempts to return to normal life. There were wild speculations that Qiao Shi, a lesser known official, might emerge as the next leader.

In the rest of the country, Shanghai stood at a standstill. Widespread unrest were reported all over the country. Foreigners were scrambling to leave, with emergency airlifts provided by their governments.

Diplomatically, Japan suspended economic development and cultural missions to Beijing but ruled out whole-sale sanctions. Britain reaffirmed that it will handover Hong Kong to China on schedule in 1997. The Soviets took the side of Chinese government and condemned Western pressure.

NYT Archive 1989: Students' Ultimatum Rejected

Without much suspense, Beijing Students Autonomous Federation's ultimatum for dialog was rejected by the government, as reported by New York Times on May 4, 1989. But nonetheless the very fact that the government did respond was probably a hallow victory for the students.

The rejection came at a press conference by the Spokesman Yuan Mu, who was quickly making a name for himself in this movement. Yuan Mu also advanced on the conspiracy theory for the government side:

In an unusually harsh attack against the nation's best-known dissident, Mr. Yuan also suggested that Fang Lizhi, the astrophysicist, had played a role in the current unrest. When pressed, however, Mr. Yuan refused to give details on Mr. Fang's involvement.

Mr. Yuan accused a ''handful of people of manipulating the student unrest from behind the scenes,'' and he seemed to be saying that Mr. Fang was one of them. Mr. Yuan also asserted that the New York-based Chinese Alliance for Democracy, which publishes a magazine in support of greater democracy in China, was behind the student unrest. Fang Denies Any Role Mr. Yuan also criticized recently reported remarks by Mr. Fang that suggested foreign countries might exert pressure on China to improve its human-rights situation by withholding investments.

''His remarks and future facts will show what a role he is playing in the current unrest,'' Mr. Yuan said.

In a telephone interview Wednesday night, Mr. Fang denied any role in the student unrest. ''They should show some evidence that I am behind the scenes,'' he said.

In the same report, for the first time, NYT gained insights within the operation of the student organizations and "discovered" Wuer Kaixi:

At an outdoor news conference of their own, students declared their intention to march today, after a vote by 47 student delegates representing universities throughout the capital. The vote was not unanimous, but the delegates said 40 universities would take part. Student representatives who had traveled from Shanghai, Hefei, Sichuan and Tianjin also said they supported the demonstration.

Surrounded by a thick circle of students and journalists, Wuer Kaixi, the president of the independent student union, denied that the association was influenced by Mr. Fang or the Chinese Alliance for Democracy.

He also criticized the recent informal talks that had taken place between the Government and the students.

''I think that Mr. Yuan Mu and some of those he represents lack the sincerity with which to carry out a dialogue with us,'' said Mr. Wuer, who is from Xinjiang Province.

Perhaps due to a tight deadline, the march itself only got a brief mention in this edition of NYT:

Waving banners commemorating a similar demonstration 70 years earlier, thousands of university students marched through the capital this morning to press their demands for greater democracy.

The march followed the Government's rejection Wednesday of the students' conditions for formal talks to resolve their differences. Today, demonstrators shouted slogans criticizing the Government's recent meeting with student leaders as a sham, and demanded that students themselves pick their representatives to meet with the authorities.

By the middle of the day, thousands of students had swept past police lines and into Tiananmen Square, the center of the capital, and policemen who had ringed it were unable to hold back the columns of marchers from at least eight universities and thousands of onlookers who also rushed to the square. Other student groups, including several from out-of-town schools, had yet to arrive at the square.

Aside from some pushing, there was no serious confrontation with the police. The authorities seemed to want to avoid any violence, perhaps partly because it was the 70th anniversary of the nationalist demonstrations in Beijing that sparked the May Fourth movement, which had a major influence in China's political, economic and cultural modernization, and foreshadowed the rise of the Communist Party.

NYT Archive 1989: A Dialogue with Officials

The glorious protest march on April 27, 1989, caught everybody by surprise, not the least the government. Even before the students got back to their campuses, words were spreading that the government had agreed to hold dialogs with students, a key demand of the protest. Even better, the dialog would be broadcast to the nation, another huge victory to the students.

But of course the government was not ready to capitulate completely either. Holding on the line that the many solidarity-style organizations formed in the last week or so were illegal, the government only allowed leaders from the official student unions as representatives in the dialog. As such, the dialog played out more like a press conference during which the State Council Spokesperson Yuan Mu (袁木) answered most soft-ball questions with the usual format answers. It was definitely not what the protesting students had expected.

Several of the new leaders of the independent organizations did get invited as individuals by their friends in the official unions. Some attended the session, others, like Wuer Kaixi, decided to boycott.

Nonetheless, the students showed that they were a force to be reckoned with. And even during this staged dialog, a couple of students, notably Xiang Xiaoji (项小吉) of the University of Political Sciences and Law, managed to post pointed questions that had embarrassed Yuan Mu et al on live television.

Sheryl WuDunn reported in New York Times on April 30, 1989, that

Television viewers were treated for nearly three hours tonight to the extraordinary sight of Government officials being interrogated by ordinary students, who raised sensitive questions about corruption, beatings, the deployment of troops and the isolation of the nation's top leaders.

In a clear sign of the influence that students have gained through their demonstrations, the Government conducted the informal talks with student leaders who had been condemned just days ago, and then broadcast the discussions on national television.

The Government's leading spokesman, Yuan Mu, also told the students that Prime Minister Li Peng thought China's student demonstrators have the same aims as the Communist Party and Government. Mr. Li's remarks appeared to be a turnabout from the Government's stern warning against the student protests.

''We called on Prime Minister Li Peng to come out,'' one angry student said in front of tens of millions of television viewers. ''Why can't the people's Prime Minister meet the people?'' The atmosphere of the meeting seemed more like that of a lively news conference than an informal talk, with frequent bitter exchanges and criticisms voiced by both sides. One student walked out of the meeting because he did not think there was fair representation on either side.

What was remarkable was not just that the meeting took place but that the Government televised nearly all of it, apparently as a concession to a student's demand. The official New China News Agency also gave a long, relatively balanced account of the event.

In the same issue of NYT, Nicholas Kristof provided a commentary of the significance of the April 27 protest:

One can only imagine the expressions on the faces of China's old revolutionary leaders as a cacophonous rendition of the Chinese national anthem wafted into the Zhongnanhai park where they live and work. ''The peoples of China are in their critical hour; everybody must roar his defiance; arise! arise! arise!'' tens of thousands of voices sang defiantly during a vast illegal march on Thursday. Despite all the old guard's sniping about how the young Chinese today care only about money, it seemed that they had inherited a penchant for revolutionary ideas, after all.

Some Chinese see the demonstration as a turning point, the first time that students and workers truly joined forces to express dissatisfaction, and the first time in the history of the People's Republic of China that the people - lowercase ''p'' - defeated the People's Armed Police and the People's Liberation Army. The glee was unforgettable, and everybody jostled for a place in history: the ice cream vendor who gave her cart of popsicles to the marchers, the businessmen who bought food and drinks for the students, and the young workers who blocked the army troops sent to stop the marchers.

The last two weeks of demonstrations have been an extraordinary humiliation for the Government, and especially for Deng Xiaoping, China's senior leader, who personally ordered the repression of the student movement. But more fundamentally, they suggest that the Government may be losing its grasp on what the emperors called ''the mandate of heaven.''