In early December, 1989, Liu Qing, a dissident activist of the Democracy Wall era, was released after serving out his sentence.
Liu Qing was sentenced to 10 years in November, 1979, for publicizing Wei Jingsheng's defense speech on the latter's trial. There was no public announcement of Liu Qing's release. He still faced two years of political probation after the release.
Days of 1989
How Chinese Students Shocked the World with a Magnificent Movement for Democracy and Liberty that Ended in the Tragic Tiananmen Massacre in 1989.
Relive the history with this blog and my book, "Standoff at Tiananmen", a narrative history of the movement.
Showing posts with label Wei Jingsheng (魏京生). Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wei Jingsheng (魏京生). Show all posts
Wednesday, August 9, 2017
Sunday, August 6, 2017
Tiananmen Memorial: Remember Them Monument at Oakland
The Memorial
Near the city center of Oakland, CA, there is a huge group statue by the title of "Remember Them: Champions for Humanity Monument". It "depicts 25 culturally diverse role models who have made significant contributions toward global peace, freedom, and human rights over the past 150 years." The "Tank Man" of Tiananmen is included.
Since the name of "Tank Man" is unknown, his place is named with "Courage". The statue presents a frontal portrait of a typical Chinese student:
Surrounding the status is a circle of quotations from famous people, including this one by Wei Jingsheng:
The above photos were taken on December 16, 2015.
Location
The Henry J Kaiser memorial park at Oakland:
History
The monument was designed by a local artist Mario Chiodo after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack at New York City. It was completed on May 31, 2013.
Tiananmen Memorials
Near the city center of Oakland, CA, there is a huge group statue by the title of "Remember Them: Champions for Humanity Monument". It "depicts 25 culturally diverse role models who have made significant contributions toward global peace, freedom, and human rights over the past 150 years." The "Tank Man" of Tiananmen is included.
Since the name of "Tank Man" is unknown, his place is named with "Courage". The statue presents a frontal portrait of a typical Chinese student:
Surrounding the status is a circle of quotations from famous people, including this one by Wei Jingsheng:
The above photos were taken on December 16, 2015.
Location
The Henry J Kaiser memorial park at Oakland:
History
The monument was designed by a local artist Mario Chiodo after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack at New York City. It was completed on May 31, 2013.
Tiananmen Memorials
Monday, January 12, 2015
This Day in 1989: January 12, Artists Push for Wei Jingsheng's Release
On January 12, 1989, a few members of the "The Stars Art" group opened an exhibit in Hong Kong, commemorating the 10-year anniversary of their first exhibit. One of them, Wang Keping (王克平), announced that he had finished a new play titled Retrial Wei Jingsheng (重审魏京生), calling for the release of the famous political prisoner.
The Stars Art (星星画会) is a group for artists that were formed in 1979 during the Democracy Wall movement in Beijing. They had been frequently in trouble with the government, partly due to their being independent and avant-garde.
Days of 1989
The Stars Art (星星画会) is a group for artists that were formed in 1979 during the Democracy Wall movement in Beijing. They had been frequently in trouble with the government, partly due to their being independent and avant-garde.
Days of 1989
Sunday, February 12, 2012
Document of 1989: 33 Writers' Open Letter
On February 13, 1989, five weeks after Fang Lizhi's open letter, 33 prominent writers in Beijing co-signed an open letter to the National People's Congress and the Party Central in support of Fang Lizhi's suggestion of an amnesty.
After the crackdown, a few individuals claimed that their signatures were either forged or obtained under false pretense.
After we learned the open letter by Mr. Fang Lizhi to Chairman Deng Xiaoping on January 6, 1989, we would like to express our deep interest in this issue.
We assert that, at the time of the 40th anniversary of our nation and the 70th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement, a general amnesty, especially the release of Wei Jingsheng and other political prisoners, will produce a harmonic atmosphere beneficial to the reform efforts. It is also in accordance to the general trend of respecting human rights in today's world.
Bei Dao, Shao Yanxiang, Niu Han, Lao Mu, Wu Zuguang, Li Tuo, Bing Xin, Zhang Jie, Zong Sui, Wu Zuxiang, Tang Yijie, Le Daiyun, Huang Ziping, Zhang Dainian, Chen Pingyuan, Yan Wenjing, Liu Dong, Feng Yidai, Xiao Qian, Su Xiaokang, Jin Guangtao, Li Zehou, Pang Pu, Zhu Wei, Wang Yan, Bao Zunxin, Tian Zhuangzhuang, Liu Qingfeng, Mang Ke, Gao Hao, Su Shaozhi, Wang Ruoshui, Chen Jun
February, 13, 1989
(For the Chinese names of the signatories, please view the original version here.)
Documents of 1989
After the crackdown, a few individuals claimed that their signatures were either forged or obtained under false pretense.
After we learned the open letter by Mr. Fang Lizhi to Chairman Deng Xiaoping on January 6, 1989, we would like to express our deep interest in this issue.
We assert that, at the time of the 40th anniversary of our nation and the 70th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement, a general amnesty, especially the release of Wei Jingsheng and other political prisoners, will produce a harmonic atmosphere beneficial to the reform efforts. It is also in accordance to the general trend of respecting human rights in today's world.
Bei Dao, Shao Yanxiang, Niu Han, Lao Mu, Wu Zuguang, Li Tuo, Bing Xin, Zhang Jie, Zong Sui, Wu Zuxiang, Tang Yijie, Le Daiyun, Huang Ziping, Zhang Dainian, Chen Pingyuan, Yan Wenjing, Liu Dong, Feng Yidai, Xiao Qian, Su Xiaokang, Jin Guangtao, Li Zehou, Pang Pu, Zhu Wei, Wang Yan, Bao Zunxin, Tian Zhuangzhuang, Liu Qingfeng, Mang Ke, Gao Hao, Su Shaozhi, Wang Ruoshui, Chen Jun
February, 13, 1989
(For the Chinese names of the signatories, please view the original version here.)
Documents of 1989
Wednesday, February 1, 2012
Document of 1989: Fang Lizhi's Open Letter
On January 6, 1989, Fang Lizhi wrote a personal letter to Deng Xiaoping, suggesting a general amnesty for political prisoners. It soon became an "open letter" through foreign reporters in Beijing and drew the curtain of the 1989 student movement.
Chairman Deng Xiaoping
The Central Military Commission
This year is the 40th anniversary of the People's Republic of China. It is also the 70th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement. There will certainly be a lot of commemorate activities for these anniversaries. However, compared to looking back, far more people would perhaps concern about the present more. They are concerning about new hopes these anniversaries could bring for the future.
For this purpose, I sincerely suggest to you that, at the cusp of these anniversaries, a nationwide amnesty is called for, especially to release Wei Jingsheng and all political prisoners like him.
I think that, however one would judge Wei Jingsheng himself, releasing someone like him who had been in prison for 10 years is consistent to the humanitarian principle. It will enhance the social atmosphere.
Coincidentally, this year is also the 200th anniversary of the great French Revolution. No matter how we see that event, the values symbolized by that revolution, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Human Rights, have become universally respected by the human kind. Therefore, I sincerely appeal to you once again to consider my suggestion, so that we can add on more respect for the future.
Best Regards,
Fang Lizhi
1/6/1989
Documents of 1989
Monday, February 16, 2009
War and Wall, Thirty Years Ago
Thirty years ago, hundreds of thousands soldiers of the People's Liberation Army crossed the border from China to invade Vietnam and opened a large-scale military conflict between two former "blood-and-flesh" brothers. The declared motive was to respond forcefully to the frequent military incursions and harassment along the border by the Vietnamese. Another goal was to engage the Vietnamese Army in release of the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia who was under attack of an invading Vietnamese force. It has also been speculated that Deng Xiaoping intended to use this war to demonstrate to Uncle Sam the independence of China from the communist family headed by Soviet Union.
The major combats of that war lasted about a month and left heavy casualties on both sides. Failing to achieve the goal of a quick and decisive win and forcing the Vietnamese to withdraw from Cambodia, the Chinese army declared victory and withdrew. Border skirmishes continued throughout the 1980s, however.
As patriotic propaganda flourished in the official press along with the war efforts, the "Democracy Wall" movement was also near its end in that winter in Beijing. Wei Jingsheng was loudly warning that Deng Xiaoping was becoming a new dictator. His voice was a lonely amid a crowd of dissidents who saw Deng Xiaoping as the hope of a democratic China.
Wei Jingsheng also bragged to some foreign reporters the names of a few commanders leading the military campaign, information that appeared to be available within the insiders' grapevine. He was promptly arrested for the dual crime of "counter-revolutionary" and "disclosing military secrets" to foreigners. To his credit, he refused to betray his sources during his trial and was sentenced to fifteen years of prison.
The fever of the war and "Democracy Wall" died down in the decades followed. By 1989, ten years later, few people were aware of Wei Jingsheng. Except for Professor Fang Lizhi, who wrote an open letter to Deng Xiaoping appealing for Wei Jingsheng's release. The letter helped lifting the curtain of the great democracy movement of 1989.
Apart from the continued border skirmishes, the People's Liberation Army saw no action for a decade until May, 1989, when many of the same troops were called into Beijing to impose martial law and then eventually carry out the massacre.
Partly due to its lack of clear success, the Sino-Vietnam war became a forgotten affair. But it also left unexpected legacies. A couple of patriotic songs dedicated to the martyrs of that war became immensely popular among the public and especially the young students. During the 1989 student movement, they adopted the songs for their own as they faced down the very soldiers the songs had been written for.
The songs will be posted in subsequent posts of this blog.
The major combats of that war lasted about a month and left heavy casualties on both sides. Failing to achieve the goal of a quick and decisive win and forcing the Vietnamese to withdraw from Cambodia, the Chinese army declared victory and withdrew. Border skirmishes continued throughout the 1980s, however.
As patriotic propaganda flourished in the official press along with the war efforts, the "Democracy Wall" movement was also near its end in that winter in Beijing. Wei Jingsheng was loudly warning that Deng Xiaoping was becoming a new dictator. His voice was a lonely amid a crowd of dissidents who saw Deng Xiaoping as the hope of a democratic China.
Wei Jingsheng also bragged to some foreign reporters the names of a few commanders leading the military campaign, information that appeared to be available within the insiders' grapevine. He was promptly arrested for the dual crime of "counter-revolutionary" and "disclosing military secrets" to foreigners. To his credit, he refused to betray his sources during his trial and was sentenced to fifteen years of prison.
The fever of the war and "Democracy Wall" died down in the decades followed. By 1989, ten years later, few people were aware of Wei Jingsheng. Except for Professor Fang Lizhi, who wrote an open letter to Deng Xiaoping appealing for Wei Jingsheng's release. The letter helped lifting the curtain of the great democracy movement of 1989.
Apart from the continued border skirmishes, the People's Liberation Army saw no action for a decade until May, 1989, when many of the same troops were called into Beijing to impose martial law and then eventually carry out the massacre.
Partly due to its lack of clear success, the Sino-Vietnam war became a forgotten affair. But it also left unexpected legacies. A couple of patriotic songs dedicated to the martyrs of that war became immensely popular among the public and especially the young students. During the 1989 student movement, they adopted the songs for their own as they faced down the very soldiers the songs had been written for.
The songs will be posted in subsequent posts of this blog.
Saturday, December 6, 2008
Thirty Years Ago, Wei Jingsheng Called for Democracy
It was thirty years ago when Wei Jingsheng, a twenty eight year old electrician, posted an article on the "Democracy Wall" calling for the "Fifth Modernization" -- democracy. Jane Macartney reports on this historical event on the Times.
Wei Jingsheng did not stop there. He later posted more posters accusing Deng Xiaoping as a new dictator. He was sentenced for fifteen years for the dual crime of counter-revolutionary and selling military secrets to foreign journalists.
After ten years in jail, Wei Jingsheng had become a forgotten man by 1989. But it was Professor Fang Lizhi who brought his case into public attention with an open letter to Deng Xiaoping. The open letter became a prelude to the largest student movement that year.
Wei Jingsheng did not stop there. He later posted more posters accusing Deng Xiaoping as a new dictator. He was sentenced for fifteen years for the dual crime of counter-revolutionary and selling military secrets to foreign journalists.
After ten years in jail, Wei Jingsheng had become a forgotten man by 1989. But it was Professor Fang Lizhi who brought his case into public attention with an open letter to Deng Xiaoping. The open letter became a prelude to the largest student movement that year.
Labels:
1980s,
Democracy Wall,
Fang Lizhi (方励之),
Wei Jingsheng (魏京生)
Tuesday, May 20, 2008
Official Media Calling Oversea Dissidents Scum
On the web site of the official Xinhua news agency, many articles praise honorable and nice behaviors of the Chinese mass since the devastating earthquake. However, one article, titled The Metrics Measuring Huaminty's Good And Evil, goes a step further. To contrast with the good, it also makes a list of evil Chinese overseas who allegedly have been celebrating the disaster. The list includes Li Hongzhi, the founder of the controversial Falun Gong, as well as Wei Jingsheng, Wang Dan, Wang Juntao, Wu Fan (伍凡), and Sheng Xue (盛雪). All of them were oversea dissidents who, the article claimed, had become Falun Gong followers. The article also accused them for working with Falun Gong to sabotage the Beijing Olympics.
Wang Dan released a statement today to rebuke the accusations. He denied to have any relationship with Falun Gong. He has also been working on donation drives for earthquake victims and had postponed his own protest for the respect of victims. Finally, he has always been a supporter of Beijing Olympics, since when Beijing made its bid as a host city.
Separately, Wang Juntao also released his own statement rebuking the charges. He also disclosed that his father has been seriously ill in Beijing and he was denied the right to visit.
It's not uncommon for the official press in China slander people they consider to be enemies. It is interesting though that names such as Wei Jingsheng, Wang Dan, and Wang Juntao were mentioned at all. For many years the official media has been careful not to mention anything that could conjure up memories of 1989. Was this an oversight or signs that things are changing?
Wang Dan released a statement today to rebuke the accusations. He denied to have any relationship with Falun Gong. He has also been working on donation drives for earthquake victims and had postponed his own protest for the respect of victims. Finally, he has always been a supporter of Beijing Olympics, since when Beijing made its bid as a host city.
Separately, Wang Juntao also released his own statement rebuking the charges. He also disclosed that his father has been seriously ill in Beijing and he was denied the right to visit.
It's not uncommon for the official press in China slander people they consider to be enemies. It is interesting though that names such as Wei Jingsheng, Wang Dan, and Wang Juntao were mentioned at all. For many years the official media has been careful not to mention anything that could conjure up memories of 1989. Was this an oversight or signs that things are changing?
Wednesday, April 16, 2008
NYT Archive 1989: Dissidents' Lives in the Early 1980s
The April 16, 1989 edition of the New York Times reprinted the same story on Hu Yaobang's death the day before, this time in the obituary section. Other than that, there were no immediate reactions to the event. It had to wait for another day, literally.
But the paper carried two long stories, or book excerpts, on the lives of dissidents at the time, under the overall title of "Human Rights in China".
In great detail, Orville Shell described what had happened when Fang Lizhi was denied from attending a banquet by the visiting American President George H. W. Bush. Fang and his wife Li Shuxian had been invited by the U. S. side as a gesture of support to China's human rights issue. But in the evening of February 26, 1989, they were stopped by the police and rudely treated. Things could have been worse if they didn't happen to have another banquet goer with them: the American Professor Perry Link. But the police did everything they could to prevent them from even getting close to the hotel where the banquet was held.
It is interesting to note that, in the aftermath, President Bush expressed "regret" but failed to protest for the incident. On the Air Force One leaving China, Bush's Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater was quoted saying "Human rights is one aspect of the relationship [with China]...we wouldn't want to say that it is the cornerstone..." Bush himself later expressed his preference in "quiet discussions" on this issue.
Fang Lizhi, on the other hand, believes that "it is not enough", "Some say that Bush was too soft....I will only say that the West should not operate on a double standard by criticizing human rights in the Soviet Union but not in China."
The other story was written by Richard Bernstein, who a few years ago had helped to publish dissident Liu Qing (刘青)'s diary in TIME magazine. That was right after Wei Jingsheng's 15 year sentence during the crackdown of the Beijing Spring movement. Liu Qing had worked for Wei's defense and got thrown in jail himself. His friend, Lu Lin (路林), in turn, helped to smuggle out Liu's diary and passed along to Bernstein. For that, Lu was sentenced for six years.
Bernstein returned to Beijing and found Lu Lin in a free market, selling clothes. Bernstein had felt responsible that his own carelessness had helped putting Lu in jail. Lu dismissed that, "it's nothing."
In his story, Bernstein also looked back at his time in Beijing around 1982, providing a glimpse of the lives of dissidents at the time.
Coincidentally, Danwei had republished a news item by Graham Earnshaw of the Daily Telegraph in 1981, describing the troubles of Li Shuang (李爽), a young artist with a French diplomat boyfriend. Li was also mentioned in Bernstein's story. Her case was rather famous in Beijing at the time. It was also rumored/believed that she was involved in the effort in smuggling out Liu Qing and Wei Jingsheng's papers.
But the paper carried two long stories, or book excerpts, on the lives of dissidents at the time, under the overall title of "Human Rights in China".
In great detail, Orville Shell described what had happened when Fang Lizhi was denied from attending a banquet by the visiting American President George H. W. Bush. Fang and his wife Li Shuxian had been invited by the U. S. side as a gesture of support to China's human rights issue. But in the evening of February 26, 1989, they were stopped by the police and rudely treated. Things could have been worse if they didn't happen to have another banquet goer with them: the American Professor Perry Link. But the police did everything they could to prevent them from even getting close to the hotel where the banquet was held.
It is interesting to note that, in the aftermath, President Bush expressed "regret" but failed to protest for the incident. On the Air Force One leaving China, Bush's Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater was quoted saying "Human rights is one aspect of the relationship [with China]...we wouldn't want to say that it is the cornerstone..." Bush himself later expressed his preference in "quiet discussions" on this issue.
Fang Lizhi, on the other hand, believes that "it is not enough", "Some say that Bush was too soft....I will only say that the West should not operate on a double standard by criticizing human rights in the Soviet Union but not in China."
The other story was written by Richard Bernstein, who a few years ago had helped to publish dissident Liu Qing (刘青)'s diary in TIME magazine. That was right after Wei Jingsheng's 15 year sentence during the crackdown of the Beijing Spring movement. Liu Qing had worked for Wei's defense and got thrown in jail himself. His friend, Lu Lin (路林), in turn, helped to smuggle out Liu's diary and passed along to Bernstein. For that, Lu was sentenced for six years.
Bernstein returned to Beijing and found Lu Lin in a free market, selling clothes. Bernstein had felt responsible that his own carelessness had helped putting Lu in jail. Lu dismissed that, "it's nothing."
In his story, Bernstein also looked back at his time in Beijing around 1982, providing a glimpse of the lives of dissidents at the time.
Coincidentally, Danwei had republished a news item by Graham Earnshaw of the Daily Telegraph in 1981, describing the troubles of Li Shuang (李爽), a young artist with a French diplomat boyfriend. Li was also mentioned in Bernstein's story. Her case was rather famous in Beijing at the time. It was also rumored/believed that she was involved in the effort in smuggling out Liu Qing and Wei Jingsheng's papers.
Labels:
1980s,
Fang Lizhi (方励之),
Sino-US,
Wei Jingsheng (魏京生)
Saturday, March 29, 2008
NYT Archive 1989: Wei Jingsheng's Anniversary in Prison
On March 29, 1989, New York Times carried a portrait of Wei Jingsheng, who had just spent his first 10 years in the prison. The story led with:
But there are also signs that Fang Lizhi's campaign "already has galvanized and revived the democracy movement in China" and that "the government is alarmed".
Wei Jingsheng's condition in jail had remained a top secret and mystery for all the years before his release. Rumors were rampant about his failing health, as evident in the NYT story. Many of his fellow dissidents had openly predicted that he would not survive his 15-year term. It was also likely that such rumors were spread by his comrades to help gaining sympathy and his early release.
Wei Jingsheng was first released from prison in 1993, when China was actively campaigning to become a host of the Olympics Games. Wei emerged as a relatively healthy man. His teeth looked fine. He would be put in jail once more later and finally released and deported in 1997, for "medical treatment" in the United States. In exile, he is one of the most prominent and controversial activists.
Somewhere in China, a befuddled and sickly man will presumably spend Wednesday alone in his prison cell, the way he has passed most of the previous 3,653 days: the broken, toothless remnant of a dreamer who took on the state and lost.In the spring of 1989, Wei Jingsheng's case had long faded from the public awareness. It would have been totally forgotten if not for Professor Fang Lizhi's open letter to Deng Xiaoping in January, appealing for his release in an amnesty. In this report, NYT confirmed that Fang's letter has garnered the support of more than 110 intellectuals in China, and many more in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and America. But Fang said in an interview that "at the moment, it doesn't look very good for his release".
But there are also signs that Fang Lizhi's campaign "already has galvanized and revived the democracy movement in China" and that "the government is alarmed".
Wei Jingsheng's condition in jail had remained a top secret and mystery for all the years before his release. Rumors were rampant about his failing health, as evident in the NYT story. Many of his fellow dissidents had openly predicted that he would not survive his 15-year term. It was also likely that such rumors were spread by his comrades to help gaining sympathy and his early release.
Wei Jingsheng was first released from prison in 1993, when China was actively campaigning to become a host of the Olympics Games. Wei emerged as a relatively healthy man. His teeth looked fine. He would be put in jail once more later and finally released and deported in 1997, for "medical treatment" in the United States. In exile, he is one of the most prominent and controversial activists.
Wednesday, March 19, 2008
Wei Jingsheng Calls on IOC to Act on China
Wei Jingsheng published an op-ed piece in Washington Post today, calling that the International Olympic Committee's refusal to take a stand against the Beijing crackdown on Tibetan protesters is "wholly unacceptable". He went on to warn that "If the IOC doesn't move to put pressure on Beijing consistent with its obligations, it risks this Olympics being remembered like the 1936 Games in Berlin."
Among the dissidents currently in exile, Wei Jingsheng is often alone in holding on positions that may appear to be radical and controversial. He has been consistently against having the Olympics in China, in contrast with almost all other dissidents.
Wei's article is also the single public voice, so far, from the dissident-in-exile community on the current Tibet riot.
Among the dissidents currently in exile, Wei Jingsheng is often alone in holding on positions that may appear to be radical and controversial. He has been consistently against having the Olympics in China, in contrast with almost all other dissidents.
Wei's article is also the single public voice, so far, from the dissident-in-exile community on the current Tibet riot.
Labels:
Beijing Olympics,
in exile,
Tibet,
Wei Jingsheng (魏京生)
Sunday, January 6, 2008
1989: The Year of Anniversaries
The fact that 1989 became the year of the biggest student demonstrations was not entirely coincidental. It was a conspicuous year for China. Several important anniversaries fell on that year:
Social discontent was also in the rise, mostly due to rampant inflation and corruption. But at this point, such mundane matters was not seriously regarded by the students and intellectuals. At least not yet.
It was Professor Fang Lizhi who made the first big noise of the year. After the student movements in late 1986, Fang Lizhi was one of the intellectuals who had been publicly expelled from the Communist Party and stripped of academic positions. For his physics background, he was assigned a staff position in the Beijing Observatories. For a couple of years, Fang was content in doing research work there and kept a public silence, until now.
Professor Fang was also keenly aware that 1989 was also the 10th anniversary of Wei JingSheng's imprisonment. An electrician and outspoken democratic activist during the Beijing Spring movement a decade earlier, Wei had been sentenced for 15 years since 1979. By 1989, Wei's case had been largely erased from the public memory.
On January 6, 1989, Fang Lizhi surprised everyone by publishing an open letter to Deng Xiaoping, an act that was extremely unusual in China and considered an open protest. The letter was concise and to the point:
In the weeks followed, many prominent intellectuals co-signed a couple of supporting open letters. The excitement of year 1989 was well underway.
- the 70th anniversary of the famed May Fourth Movement
- the 40th anniversary of the People's Republic of China
- the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution
Social discontent was also in the rise, mostly due to rampant inflation and corruption. But at this point, such mundane matters was not seriously regarded by the students and intellectuals. At least not yet.
It was Professor Fang Lizhi who made the first big noise of the year. After the student movements in late 1986, Fang Lizhi was one of the intellectuals who had been publicly expelled from the Communist Party and stripped of academic positions. For his physics background, he was assigned a staff position in the Beijing Observatories. For a couple of years, Fang was content in doing research work there and kept a public silence, until now.
Professor Fang was also keenly aware that 1989 was also the 10th anniversary of Wei JingSheng's imprisonment. An electrician and outspoken democratic activist during the Beijing Spring movement a decade earlier, Wei had been sentenced for 15 years since 1979. By 1989, Wei's case had been largely erased from the public memory.
On January 6, 1989, Fang Lizhi surprised everyone by publishing an open letter to Deng Xiaoping, an act that was extremely unusual in China and considered an open protest. The letter was concise and to the point:
Chairman Deng Xiaoping
The Central Military Commission
This year is the 40th anniversary of the People's Republic of China. It is also the 70th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement. There will certainly be a lot of commemorate activities for these anniversaries. However, compared to looking back, far more people would perhaps concern about the present more. They are concerning about new hopes these anniversaries could bring for the future.
For this purpose, I sincerely suggest to you that, at the cusp of these anniversaries, a nationwide amnesty is called for, especially to release Wei Jingsheng and all political prisoners like him.
I think that, however one would judge Wei Jingsheng himself, releasing someone like him who had been in prison for 10 years is consistent to the humanitarian principle. It will enhance the social atmosphere.
Coincidentally, this year is also the 200th anniversary of the great French Revolution. No matter how we see that event, the values symbolized by that revolution, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Human Rights, have become universally respected by the human kind. Therefore, I sincerely appeal to you once again to consider my suggestion, so that we can add on more respect for the future.
Best Regards,
Fang Lizhi
1/6/1989
In the weeks followed, many prominent intellectuals co-signed a couple of supporting open letters. The excitement of year 1989 was well underway.
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