Wei Jingsheng published an op-ed piece in Washington Post today, calling that the International Olympic Committee's refusal to take a stand against the Beijing crackdown on Tibetan protesters is "wholly unacceptable". He went on to warn that "If the IOC doesn't move to put pressure on Beijing consistent with its obligations, it risks this Olympics being remembered like the 1936 Games in Berlin."
Among the dissidents currently in exile, Wei Jingsheng is often alone in holding on positions that may appear to be radical and controversial. He has been consistently against having the Olympics in China, in contrast with almost all other dissidents.
Wei's article is also the single public voice, so far, from the dissident-in-exile community on the current Tibet riot.
Wednesday, March 19, 2008
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
Hu Jia on Trial
The annual National People's Congress ended with the highlighted event of a press conference by the reelected Premier Wen Jiabao. When asked if the Chinese government was arresting dissidents to silence them ahead of the Olympic Games, Wen categorically claimed such accusations as totally unfounded.
Shortly after the press conference, dissident Hu Jia was on trial at the Beijing Number One Intermediate People's Court for charges of "inciting subversion of state power". According to his lawyer, the evidence of his charge consists several articles he had written and published overseas. Hu did not dispute his authorship of his articles, other than claiming that one of them was actually a private communication with a friend, which was published without his knowledge. His lawyer, Li Fangping, tried to defend his case on the ground of freedom of speech.
Hu's mother attended the trial. His wife and father were listed as prosecutor witnesses and therefore barred from observing, although none of them were called to testify. As it is usually the case, the trial proceeding is very short and a verdict/sentence is expected within the week.
Shortly after the press conference, dissident Hu Jia was on trial at the Beijing Number One Intermediate People's Court for charges of "inciting subversion of state power". According to his lawyer, the evidence of his charge consists several articles he had written and published overseas. Hu did not dispute his authorship of his articles, other than claiming that one of them was actually a private communication with a friend, which was published without his knowledge. His lawyer, Li Fangping, tried to defend his case on the ground of freedom of speech.
Hu's mother attended the trial. His wife and father were listed as prosecutor witnesses and therefore barred from observing, although none of them were called to testify. As it is usually the case, the trial proceeding is very short and a verdict/sentence is expected within the week.
Tibetan Students Held Campus Vigil in Beijing
Amid the riots and violence in Lhasa and other locations in and near Tibet, it is easy to overlook that a group of ethnic Tibetan students had staged a vigil in Beijing, at the campus of the Central University of Nationalities (中央民族学院), a college devoted to the education of China's ethnic minorities. In sharp contrast, this protest appeared to be low-profile, peaceful, and was eventually broken up by authorities without much disturbance.
Ever since 1989, it's been extremely rare to see any protests held on college campuses.
What is clear, however, is that the Tibetan students did not receive any support or even sympathy from their non-Tibetan compatriots. In China, even the best educated are not immune to nationalist pride and zeal, in which the nation's territorial integrity is held above all other values. Any thought of independence, be it Tibet or Taiwan, is automatically condemned, not only by the government in power, but also by the common mass. It is therefore unsurprising that the, as Washington Post had put it: Beijing's Crackdown Gets Strong Domestic Support. The violent nature of the current protest in Tibet certainly has not helped either.
Ever since 1989, it's been extremely rare to see any protests held on college campuses.
What is clear, however, is that the Tibetan students did not receive any support or even sympathy from their non-Tibetan compatriots. In China, even the best educated are not immune to nationalist pride and zeal, in which the nation's territorial integrity is held above all other values. Any thought of independence, be it Tibet or Taiwan, is automatically condemned, not only by the government in power, but also by the common mass. It is therefore unsurprising that the, as Washington Post had put it: Beijing's Crackdown Gets Strong Domestic Support. The violent nature of the current protest in Tibet certainly has not helped either.
Friday, March 14, 2008
Xu Liangying Awarded 2008 APS Sakharov Prize
Xu Liangying (许良英) is an outspoken scientist in China. He is best known in China for translating and publishing the entire set of Einstein's Works. He was profiled in the New York Times two years ago as "Einstein's Man in Beijing: A Rebel With a Cause".
This month, he was awarded the 2008 Andrei Sakharov Prize by the American Physical Society "For a lifetime’s advocacy of truth, democracy and human rights -- despite surveillance and house arrest, harassment and threats, even banishment -- through his writings, and publicly speaking his mind."
Xu Liangying first got himself in political trouble in 1957, when he was declared an "extreme rightist" for his outspokenness. It was not until late 1970s when he managed to publish his translations of Einstein's works and his own research of Einstein's philosophy.
In late 1986, Xu Liangying had teamed up with Professor Fang Lizhi (方励之) and Liu Binyan (刘宾雁) to organize a conference revisiting that "anti-rightists" campaign on its thirtieth anniversary. Deng Xiaoping did not appreciate that idea, since Deng himself had spearheaded the campaign. After the wide-spread student movements in South China that year, Deng decided to purge Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan, and Wang Ruowang (王若望). It was widely believed that Deng had mistaken Wang for Xu Liangying.
Xu Liangying was not deterred. In 1988, he was an adviser and guest speaker in Liu Gang's "Democratic Salon" in Beida. In early 1989, when Fang Lizhi published the open letter to Deng Xiaoping appealing for the release of Wei Jingshen, it was Xu Liangying who first responded with a letter of his own, co-signed by more than forty prominent intellectuals, to support Fang.
According to the New York Times profile, Xu Liangying suffered a heart attack during the heated period of the 1989 student movement and therefore could not join any of the demonstrations.
This month, he was awarded the 2008 Andrei Sakharov Prize by the American Physical Society "For a lifetime’s advocacy of truth, democracy and human rights -- despite surveillance and house arrest, harassment and threats, even banishment -- through his writings, and publicly speaking his mind."
Xu Liangying first got himself in political trouble in 1957, when he was declared an "extreme rightist" for his outspokenness. It was not until late 1970s when he managed to publish his translations of Einstein's works and his own research of Einstein's philosophy.
In late 1986, Xu Liangying had teamed up with Professor Fang Lizhi (方励之) and Liu Binyan (刘宾雁) to organize a conference revisiting that "anti-rightists" campaign on its thirtieth anniversary. Deng Xiaoping did not appreciate that idea, since Deng himself had spearheaded the campaign. After the wide-spread student movements in South China that year, Deng decided to purge Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan, and Wang Ruowang (王若望). It was widely believed that Deng had mistaken Wang for Xu Liangying.
Xu Liangying was not deterred. In 1988, he was an adviser and guest speaker in Liu Gang's "Democratic Salon" in Beida. In early 1989, when Fang Lizhi published the open letter to Deng Xiaoping appealing for the release of Wei Jingshen, it was Xu Liangying who first responded with a letter of his own, co-signed by more than forty prominent intellectuals, to support Fang.
According to the New York Times profile, Xu Liangying suffered a heart attack during the heated period of the 1989 student movement and therefore could not join any of the demonstrations.
Thursday, March 6, 2008
At the Cusp of the Great Reform
The Third Plenum of the Eleventh CCP Congress (十一届三中全会) was held on December 18, 1978. This meeting is widely regarded as the defining milestone that kicked off Deng Xiaoping's reform movement after the end of Culture. In China, preparations are already being made for the big 30 year anniversary celebration near the end of this year.
However, Bao Tong (鲍彤), a long time Policy Secretary of Zhao Ziyang, just published an article on his recollections of that historical meeting. According to the article, that meeting was planned as a routine meeting to discuss some economic policies in agriculture and central planning. Before the meeting, Deng Xiaoping and then Party Chairman Hua Guofeng had agreed that they should not discuss any issues left out from Culture Revolution, especially those that had been decided by Mao Zedong himself.
As it was common in such meetings, the actual agenda and decisions were determined in preparatory meetings in advance. In this case, the preparatory meeting was held in early November. Deng Xiaoping did not think it was important enough to attend. Rather he spent the first half of that November in Southeast Asia on a state visit.
But it was during that preparatory meeting, that Chen Yun and Hu Yaobang rose to the occasion and changed the course of the meeting. At the time, Chen Yun had just been "rehabilitated" but had not yet returned to the top leadership. Hu Yaobang was the "younger" generation who had just been put in charge of the Party's Internal Affairs. Together, they advocated that many of the wrongs during the Culture Revolution must be corrected before the nation could move forward.
By the time Deng Xiaoping returned to Beijing in mid-November, he found the agenda totally out of control. In a swift maneuver, he scratched his own planned speech and had a new one drafted. In which, he took hold the new momentum as his own and laid all blames of the previous conservative agenda to Hua Guofeng.
As a result, the Third Plenum meeting became something Deng had not envisioned. It established a new policy of "a liberation of thoughts" (解放思想). Hua Guofeng was forced to make a self-criticism.
For his handy work, Chen Yun was immediately elevated to the high position of Vice Chairman of the Party. In the 1980s, Chen Yun was the chief rival of Deng Xiaoping in the Party leadership.
In 1980, Hua Guofeng finally was purged from the leadership. With the position of Party Chairman abolished, Hu Yaobang became the General Secretary.
Seven years later, in 1987, Hu Yaobang himself would be purged by Deng Xiaoping for being too liberal and tolerant to student movements. His death in 1989 triggered the largest-scale student movement in the history of China.
However, Bao Tong (鲍彤), a long time Policy Secretary of Zhao Ziyang, just published an article on his recollections of that historical meeting. According to the article, that meeting was planned as a routine meeting to discuss some economic policies in agriculture and central planning. Before the meeting, Deng Xiaoping and then Party Chairman Hua Guofeng had agreed that they should not discuss any issues left out from Culture Revolution, especially those that had been decided by Mao Zedong himself.
As it was common in such meetings, the actual agenda and decisions were determined in preparatory meetings in advance. In this case, the preparatory meeting was held in early November. Deng Xiaoping did not think it was important enough to attend. Rather he spent the first half of that November in Southeast Asia on a state visit.
But it was during that preparatory meeting, that Chen Yun and Hu Yaobang rose to the occasion and changed the course of the meeting. At the time, Chen Yun had just been "rehabilitated" but had not yet returned to the top leadership. Hu Yaobang was the "younger" generation who had just been put in charge of the Party's Internal Affairs. Together, they advocated that many of the wrongs during the Culture Revolution must be corrected before the nation could move forward.
By the time Deng Xiaoping returned to Beijing in mid-November, he found the agenda totally out of control. In a swift maneuver, he scratched his own planned speech and had a new one drafted. In which, he took hold the new momentum as his own and laid all blames of the previous conservative agenda to Hua Guofeng.
As a result, the Third Plenum meeting became something Deng had not envisioned. It established a new policy of "a liberation of thoughts" (解放思想). Hua Guofeng was forced to make a self-criticism.
For his handy work, Chen Yun was immediately elevated to the high position of Vice Chairman of the Party. In the 1980s, Chen Yun was the chief rival of Deng Xiaoping in the Party leadership.
In 1980, Hua Guofeng finally was purged from the leadership. With the position of Party Chairman abolished, Hu Yaobang became the General Secretary.
Seven years later, in 1987, Hu Yaobang himself would be purged by Deng Xiaoping for being too liberal and tolerant to student movements. His death in 1989 triggered the largest-scale student movement in the history of China.
Exiled Tiananmen Leaders Appeal for Rights to Citizenship
Nineteen years after the Tiananmen Massacre, most of the then student leaders and intellectuals have come abroad. Some of them had escaped China clandestinely. But most left China legally, either as private visitors after having served their sentences in China or were "sent out" by the Chinese government in one of her "humanitarian" gestures to the world.
But no matter how they got here, they all share the same fate: their citizenships are forever in a limbo state. Even if they came with valid Chinese passports, the Chinese embassies and consulates here refused to renew them. So their passports had expired years ago. They could still travel as UN refugees, but they are, quite literally, people without a country.
Today, some of these leaders, including Wang Dan, Hu Ping, Chen Yizi, Wuer Kaixi, Liu Gang, Chen Xiaoping, Wu Renhua, and Wang Juntao, published an open letter to the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to demand their rights of citizenship. They also appeal to UN and the International Olympic Committee to help.
The letter also indicated that these leaders are ready to try various legal actions against the Chinese government if their demands are not answered within a month. It also hinted that they might try their own ways to return to China.
But no matter how they got here, they all share the same fate: their citizenships are forever in a limbo state. Even if they came with valid Chinese passports, the Chinese embassies and consulates here refused to renew them. So their passports had expired years ago. They could still travel as UN refugees, but they are, quite literally, people without a country.
Today, some of these leaders, including Wang Dan, Hu Ping, Chen Yizi, Wuer Kaixi, Liu Gang, Chen Xiaoping, Wu Renhua, and Wang Juntao, published an open letter to the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to demand their rights of citizenship. They also appeal to UN and the International Olympic Committee to help.
The letter also indicated that these leaders are ready to try various legal actions against the Chinese government if their demands are not answered within a month. It also hinted that they might try their own ways to return to China.
Monday, March 3, 2008
The Political Spring Season in Beijing
It's March, which means a few political activities will be going on in Beijing:
In the dark night of June 3, 1989, with gunshots heard and flares seen in the dark sky, Professor Ding Zilin (丁子霖) thought she had finally managed to lock up her restless son in their bathroom. But the seventeen year old high schooler outsmarted his parents. He climbed out of a window and headed to the streets. He was shot near MuXiDi (木樨地), at the western skirt of Beijing where the most fighting and death had taken place that night.
Since then, under tremendous pressure and constant harassment by the government, Ding organized and led the loosely-knit organization known as the Tiananmen Mothers, consisting parents (yes, mostly mothers) of victims who had died during the massacre. They painstakingly collected and documented 155 cases of death. They also helped to channel humanitarian funds from abroad to the victims' families.
But year after year, they have also petitioned the "Two Meetings" for a dialog and reconciliation. They have yet to receive a response.
- The annual sessions of the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, known simply as the "Two Meetings" (两会), are in town. Security will be tight.
- After two weeks of hyperbole surrounding the meetings, there will not be any significant decisions made, especially in the year of Olympics
- But we will be entertained by pictures of many delegates nodding off during the sessions.
- Tiananmen Mothers petition to probe the Tiananmen Massacre.
In the dark night of June 3, 1989, with gunshots heard and flares seen in the dark sky, Professor Ding Zilin (丁子霖) thought she had finally managed to lock up her restless son in their bathroom. But the seventeen year old high schooler outsmarted his parents. He climbed out of a window and headed to the streets. He was shot near MuXiDi (木樨地), at the western skirt of Beijing where the most fighting and death had taken place that night.
Since then, under tremendous pressure and constant harassment by the government, Ding organized and led the loosely-knit organization known as the Tiananmen Mothers, consisting parents (yes, mostly mothers) of victims who had died during the massacre. They painstakingly collected and documented 155 cases of death. They also helped to channel humanitarian funds from abroad to the victims' families.
But year after year, they have also petitioned the "Two Meetings" for a dialog and reconciliation. They have yet to receive a response.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)